| Inspiration of the Bible |
| The subject will be treated in this article under the four heads: |
| I. Belief in Inspired books; |
| II. Nature of Inspiration; |
| III. Extent of Inspiration; |
| IV. Protestant Views on the Inspiration of the Bible. |
| I. BELIEF IN INSPIRED BOOKS |
| A. Among the Jews |
| The belief in the sacred character of certain books is as old as the Hebrew |
| literature. Moses and the prophets had committed to writing a part of the |
| message they were to deliver to Israel from God. Now the naby (prophet), |
| whether he spoke or wrote, was considered by the Hebrews thw authorized |
| interpreter of the thoughts and wishes of Yahweh. He was called, likewise, "the |
| man of God," "the man of the Spirit" (Osee, ix,7). It was around the Temple and |
| the Book that the religious and national restoratiion of the Jewish people was |
| effected after their exile (see II Mach., ii, 13, 14, and the prologue of |
| Ecclesiasticus in the Septuagint). Philo (from 20 B.C. to A.D. 40) speaks of the |
| "sacred books", "sacred word", and of "most holy scripture" (De vita Moysis, iii, |
| no. 23). The testimony of Flavius Josephus (A.D. 37-95) is still more |
| characteristic; it is in his writings that the word inspiration (epipnoia) is met for |
| the first time. He speaks of twenty-two books which the Jews with good reason |
| consider Divine, and for which, in case of need, they are ready to die (Contra |
| Apion., I, 8). The belief of the Jews is the inspiration of the Scriptures did not |
| diminsh from the time in which they were dispersed throughout the world, without |
| temple, without altar, without priests; on the contrary this faith increased so |
| much that it took the place of everything else. |
| B. Among the Christians |
| The gospel contains no express declaration about the origin and value of the |
| Scriptures, but in it we see that Jesus Christ used them in conformity with the |
| general belief, i.e. as the Word of God. The most decisive texts in this respect |
| are found in the Fourth Gospel, v, 39; x, 35. The words scripture, Word of God, |
| Spirit of God, God, in the sayings and writings of the Apostles are used |
| indifferently (Rom.,iv, 3; ix, 17). St. Paul alone appeals expressly more than |
| eighty times to those Divine oracles of which Israel was made the guardian (cf. |
| Rom., iii, 2). This persuasion of the early Christians was not merely the effect of |
| a Jewish tradition blindly accepted and never understood. St. Peter and St. Paul |
| give the reason why it was accepted: it is that all Scripture is inspired of God |
| (theopneustos) (II Tim., ii, 16; cf. II Pet., i, 20 21). It would be superfluous to |
| spend any time in proving that Tradition has faithfully kept the Apostolic belief in |
| the inspiratiion of Scripture. Moreover, this demonstaration forms the |
| subject-matter of a great number of works (see especially Chr. pesch, "De |
| inspiratione Sacrae Scripturae", 1906, p. 40-379). It is enough for us to add that |
| on several occasions the Church has defined the inspiration of the canonical |
| books as an article of faith (see Denzinger, Enchiridion, 10th ed., n. 1787, 1809). |
| Every Christian sect still deserving that name believes in the inspiration of the |
| Scriptures, although several have more or less altered the idea of inspiration. |
| C. Value of this Belief |
| History alone allows us to establish the fact that Jews and Christians have |
| always believed in the inspiration of the Bible. But what is this belief worth? |
| Proofs of the rational as well as of the dogmatic order unite in justifying it. Those |
| who first recognized in the Bible a superhuman work had as foundation of thier |
| opinion the testimony of the Prophets, of Christ, and of the Apostles, whose |
| Divine mission was sufficiently established by immediate experience or by |
| history. To this purely rational argument can be added the authentic teaching of |
| the Church. A Catholic may claim this additional certitude without falling into a |
| vicious circle, because the infallibility of the Church in its teaching is proved |
| independently of the inspiration of Scripture; the historical value, belonging to |
| Scripture in common with every other authentic and truthful writing, is enough to |
| prove this. |
| II. NATURE OF INSPIRATION |
| A. Method to be followed |
| (1) To determine the nature of Biblical inspiration the theologian has at his |
| disposal a three fold source of information: the data of tradition, the concept of |
| inspiration, and the concrete state of the inspired text. If he wishes to obtain |
| acceptable results he will take into account all of these elements of solution. |
| Pure speculation might easily end in a theory incompatible with the texts. On the |
| other hand, the literary or historical analysis of these same texts, if left to its own |
| resources, ignores their Divine origin. Finally, if the data of tradition attest the fact |
| of inspiration, they do not furnish us with a complete analysis of its nature. |
| Hence, theology, philosophy, and exegesis have each a word to say on this |
| subject. Positive theology furnishes a starting point in its traditional formulae: |
| viz., God is the author of Scripture, the inspired writer is the organ of the Holy |
| Ghost, Scripture is the Word of God. Speculative theology takes these formula, |
| analyses their contents and from them draws its conclusions. In this way St. |
| Thomas, starting from the traditional concept which makes the sacred writer an |
| organ of the Holy Ghost, explains the subordination of his faculties to the action |
| of the Inspirer by the philosophical theory of the instrumental cause (Quodl., VII, |
| Q. vi, a. 14, ad 5um). However, to avoid all risk of going astray, speculation must |
| pay constant attention to the indications furnished by exegesis. |
| (2) The Catholic who wishes to make a correct analysis of Biblical inspiration |
| maust have before his eyes the following ecclesiastical documents: (a) "These |
| books are held by the Church as sacred and canonical, not as having been |
| composed by merely human labour and afterwards approved by her authority, nor |
| merely because they contain revelation without error, but because, written under |
| the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they have God for their author, and have been |
| transmitted to the Church as such." (Concil. Vatic., Sess. III, const. dogm, de |
| Fide, cap. ii, in Denz., 1787). (b) "The Holy Ghost Himself, by His supernatural |
| power, stirred up and impelled the Biblical writers to write, and assisted them |
| while writing in such a manner that they conceived in their minds exactly, and |
| determined to commit to writing faithfully, and render in exact language, with |
| infallible truth, all that God commanded and nothing else; without that, God |
| would not be the author of Scripture in its entirety" (Encycl. Provid. Deus, in |
| Dena., 1952). |
| B. Catholic View |
| Inspiration can be considered in God, who produces it; in man, who is its object; |
| and in the text, which is its term. |
| (1) In God inspiration is one of those actions which are ad extra as theologians |
| say; and thus it is common to the three Divine Persons. However, it is attributed |
| by appropriation to the Holy Ghost. it is not one of those graces which have for |
| their immediate and essential object the sanctification of the man who received |
| them, but one of those called antonomastically charismata, or gratis datae, |
| because they are given primarily for the good of thers. Besides, inspiration has |
| this in common with every actual grace, that it si a transitory participation of the |
| Divine power; the inspired wirter finding himself invested with it only at the very |
| moment of writing or when thinking about writing. |
| (2) Considered in the man on whom is bestowed this favour, inspiration affects |
| the will, the intelligence and all the executive faculties of the writer. (a) Without |
| an impulsion given to the will of the writer, it cannot be conceived how God could |
| still remain the principal cause of Scripture, for, in that case, the man would have |
| taken the initiative. Besides that the text of St. Peter is peremptory: "For |
| prophecy came not by the will of man at any time: but the holy men of God |
| spoke, inspired by the Holy Ghost" (II Pet., i, 21). The context shows that there |
| is question of all Scripture, which is a prophecy in the broad sense of the the |
| word (pasa propheteia graphes). According to the Encyclical Prov. Deus, "God |
| stirred up and impelled the sacred writers to determine to write all that God |
| meant them to write" (Denz., 1952). Theologians discuss the question whether, |
| in order to impart this motion, God moves the will of the writer directly or decides |
| it by proposing maotvies of an intellectual order. At any rate, everybody admits |
| that the Holy Ghost can arouse or simply utilize external influences capable of |
| acting on the will of the sacred writer. According to an ancient tradition, St. Mark |
| and St. John wrote their Gospels at the instance of the faithful. |
| What becomes of human liberty under the influence of Divine inspiration? In |
| principle, it is agreed that the Inspirer can take away from man the power of |
| refusal. In point of fact, it is commonly admitted that the Inspirer, Who does not |
| lack means of obtaining our consent, has respected the freedom of His |
| instruments. An inspiration which is not accompanied by a revelation, which is |
| adapted to the normal play of the faculties of the human soul, which can |
| determine the will of the inspired writer by motives of a human order, does not |
| necessarily suppose that he who is its object is himself conscious of it. If the |
| prophet and the author of the Apcoalypse know and say that their pen is guided |
| by the Spirit of God, other Biblical authors seem rather to have been led by |
| "some mysterious influence whose origin was either unknown or not clearly |
| discerned by them." (St. Aug., De Gen. ad litt. , II, xvii, 37; St. Thomas II-II, Q. |
| clxxi, a. 5; Q. cixxiii, a.4). However, most theologians admit that ordinarily the |
| writer was conscious of his ow inspiration. From waht we have just said it follows |
| that inspiration does not necessarily imply exstasy, as Philo and, later, the |
| Montanists thought. It is true that some of the orthodox apologists of the second |
| century (Athenagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, St. Justin) have, in the description |
| which they give of Biblical inspiration, been somehat influenced by the ideas of |
| divination then current amongst the pagans. They are too prone to represent the |
| Biblical writer as a purely passive intermediary, something after the style of the |
| Pythia. Nevertheless, they did not make him out to be an energumen for all that. |
| The Divine intervention, if one is conscious of it, can certainly fill the human soul |
| with a certain awe; but it does not throw it into a state of delirum. |
| (b) To induce a person to write is not to take on oneself the responsibility of that |
| writing, more especially it is not to become the author of that writing. If God can |
| claim the Scripture as His own work, it is because He has brought even the |
| intellect of the inspired writer under His command. However, we must not |
| represent the Inspirer as putting a ready amde book in the mind of the inspired |
| person. Nor has He necessarily to reveal the contens of the work to be produced. |
| No matter where the knowledge of the writer on this point comes from, whether it |
| be acquired naturally or due to Divine revelation, inspiration has not essentially |
| for its object to teach somethin new to the sacred writer, but to render him |
| capable of writing with Divine authority. Thus the author of the Acts of the |
| Apostles narrates events in which he himself took part, or which were related to |
| him. It is highly probable that most of the sayings of the Book of Proverbs were |
| familiar to the sages of the East, before being set down in an inspired writing. |
| God, inasmuch as he is the principal cause, when he inspires a writer, |
| subordinates all that writer's cognitive faculties so as to make him accomplish |
| the different actions which would be naturally gone through by a man who, first of |
| all, has the design of composing a book, then gets together his materials, |
| subjects them to a critical examination, arranges them, makes them enter into |
| his plan, and finally brands them with the mark of his personality -- i.e. his own |
| pecualiar style. The grace of inspiration does not exempt the writer from personal |
| effort, nor does it insure the perfection of his work from an artistic point of view. |
| The author of the the Second Book of Machabeees and St. Luke tell the reader of |
| the pains they took to document their work (II mach., ii, 24-33; Luke, i, 1-4). The |
| imperfections of the work are to be attributed to the instrument. God can, of |
| course, prepare this instrument beforehand, but, a the time of using it, He does |
| not ordinarily make any change in its conditions. When the Creator applies His |
| power to the faculties of a creature outside of the ordinary way, he does so in a |
| manner in keeping with the natural activity of these faculties. Now, in all |
| languages recourse is had to the comparison of light to explain the nature of the |
| human intelligence. That is why St. Thomas (II-II, Q. clxxi, a. 2; Q. clxxiv, a. 2, |
| ad 3um) gives the name of light or illumination to the intellectual motion |
| communicated by God to the sacred wirter. After him, then, we may say that this |
| motion is a pecualir supernatural participation of the Divine light, in virtue of which |
| the writer conceives exactly the work that the Holy Ghost wants him to write. |
| Thanks to this help given to his intellect, the inspired writer judges, with a |
| certitude of Divene order, not only of the opportuneness of the book to be written, |
| but also of the truth of the details and of the whole. However, all theologians do |
| not analyse exactly in the same manner the influence of this light of inspiration. |
| (c) The influence of the Holy Ghost had to extend also to all the executive |
| faculties of the sacred writer -- to his memory, his imagination, and even to the |
| hand with which he formed the letters. Whether this influence proceed |
| immediatley from the action of the Inspirer or be a simple assistance, and, again, |
| whether this assistance be positive or merely negative, in any case everyone |
| admits that its object is to remove all error from the inspired text. Those who hold |
| that even the words are inspired believe that it also forms an integral part of the |
| grace of inspiration itself. However that may be, there is no denying that the |
| inspiration extends, in one way or aother, and as far as needful, to all those who |
| have really cooperated in the composition of the sacred test, especially to the |
| secretaries, if the inspired person had any. Seen in this light, the hagiographer |
| no longer appears a passive and inert instrument, abased as it were, by an |
| exterior impulsion; on the contrary, his faculties are elevated to the service of a |
| superior power, whihc, although distinct, is none the less intimately present and |
| interior. Without losing anything of his personal life, or of his liberty, or even of his |
| spontaneity (since it may happen that he is not conscious of the power which |
| leads him on), man becomes thus the interpreter of God. Such, then is the most |
| comprehensive notion of Divine inspiration. St. Thomas (II-II, Q., cixxi) reduces it |
| to the grace of prophecy, in the broad sense of the word. |
| (3) Considered in its term, inspiration is nothing else but the biblical text itself. |
| This text was destined by God, Who inspired it, for the universal Church, in order |
| that it might be authentically recognized as His written word. This destination is |
| essential. Without it a book, even if it had been inspired by God, could not |
| become canonical; it would have no more value than a private revelation. That is |
| why any writing dated from a later period than the Apostolical age is condemned |
| ipso facto to be excluded from the canon. The reason of this is that the deposit |
| of the public revelation was complete in the time of the Apostles. they alone had |
| the mission to give to the teaching of Christ the development which was to be |
| opportunely suggested to them by the Paraclete, John xiv, 26 (see Franzelin, De |
| divina Traditione et Scriptura (Rome, 1870), thesis xxii). Since the Bible is the |
| Word of God, it can be said that every canonical text is for us a Divine lesson, a |
| revelation, even though it may have been written with the aid of inspiration only, |
| and without a revelation properly so called. For this cause, also, it is clear that |
| an inspired text cannot err. That the Bible is free from error is beyond all doubt, |
| the the teaching of Tradition. The whole of Scriptural apologetics consists |
| precisley in accounting for this exceptional prerogative. Exegetes and apologists |
| have recourse here to considerations which may be reduced to the following |
| heads: |
| the original unchanged text, as it left the pen of the sacred writers, is |
| alone in question. |
| As truth and error are properties of judgment, only the assertiions of the |
| sacred writer have to be dealt with. If he makes any affirmation, it is the |
| exegete s duty to discover its meaning and extent; whether he expresses |
| his own views or those of others; whether in quoting another he approves, |
| disapproves, or keeps a silent reserve, etc. |
| The intention of the writer is to be found out according to the laws of the |
| language in which he writes, and consequently we must take into account |
| the style of literatur he wished to use. All styles are compatible with |
| inspiration, because they are all legitimate expressions of human thought, |
| and also, as St. Augustine says (De Trinitate, I, 12), "God, getting books |
| written by men, did not wish them to be composed in a form differing from |
| that used by them." Therefore, a distinciton is to be made between the |
| assertion and the expression; it is by means of the latter that we arrive at |
| the former. |
| These general principles are to be applied to the different books of the |
| Bible, mutatis mutandis, according to the nature of the matter contained |
| in them,the special purpose for which their author wrote them, the |
| traditional explanation which is given of them, the traditional explanation |
| which is given of them, and also according to the decisions of the Church. |
| C. Erroneous Views Proposed by Catholic Authors |
| (1) Those which are wrong because insufficient. |
| (a) The approbation given by the Church to a merely human writing cannot, by |
| itself, make it inspired Scripture. The contrary opinion hazarded by Sixtus of |
| Siena (1566), renewed by Movers and Haneberg, in the nineteenth centruy, was |
| condemned by the Vatican Council. (See Denz., 1787). |
| (b) Biblical inspiration even where it seems to be at its minimum -- e.g., in the |
| historical books -- is not a simple assistance given to the inspired writers to |
| prevent him from erring, as was thought by Jahn (1793), who followed Holden and |
| perhaps Richard Simon. In order that a text may be Scripture, it is not enough |
| "that it contain revelation without error" (Conc. Vatic., Denz., 1787). |
| (c) A book composed from merely human resources would not become an |
| inspired text, even if approved of, afterwards, by the Holy Ghost. This subsequent |
| approbation might make the truth contained in the book as credible as if it were |
| an article of the Divine Faith, but it would not give a Divine origin to the book |
| itself. Every inspiration properly so called is antecedent, so much so that it is a |
| contradiciton in terms to speak of a subsequent inspiration. This truth seems to |
| have been lost sight of by those moderns who thought they could revive-at the |
| same time making it still less acceptable -- a vague hypothesis of Lessius (1585) |
| and of his disciple Bonfrère. |
| (1) Those which err by excess |
| A view which errs by excess confounds inspiration with revelation. We have just |
| said that these two Divine operations are not only distinct but may take place |
| separately, although they may also be found together. As a matter of fact, this is |
| what happens whenever God moves the sacred writer to express thoughts or |
| sentiments of which he cannot have acquired knowledge in the ordinary way. |
| There has been some exaggeration in the accusation brought against early |
| writers of having confounded inspiration with revelation; however, it must be |
| admitted that the explicit distinction between these two graces has become |
| more and more emphasized since the time of St. Thomas. This is a very real |
| progress and allows us to make a more exact psychological analysis of |
| inspiration. |
| III. EXTENT OF INSPIRATION |
| The question now is not whether all the Biblical books are inspired in every part, |
| even in the fragments called deuterocanonical: this point, which concerns the |
| integrity of the Canon, has been solved by the Council of Tent (Denz., 784). but |
| are we bound to admit that, in the books or parts of books which are canonical, |
| there is absolutely nothing, either as regards the matter or the form, which does |
| not fall under the Divine inspiration? |
| A. Inspiration of the Whole Subject Matter |
| For the last three centuries there have been author-theologians, exegetes, and |
| especially aplogists -- such as Holden, Rohling, Lenormant, di Bartolo, and |
| others -- who maintained, with more or less confidence, that inspiration was |
| limited to moral and dogmatic teaching, excluding everything in the Bible relating |
| to history and the natural sciences. They think that, in this way, a whole mass of |
| difficulties against the inerrancy of the bible would be removed. but the Church |
| has never ceased to protest against this attempt to restrict the inspiration of the |
| sacred books. This is what took place when Mgr d Hulst, Rector of the Institut |
| Catholique of paris, gave a sympathetic account of this opinion in "Le |
| Correspondant" of 25 Jan., 1893. The reply was quickly forthcoming in the |
| Encyclical Providentissimus Deus of the same year. In that Encyclical Leo XIII |
| said: |
| It will never be lawful to restrict inspiration merely to certain parts of |
| the Holy Scriptures, or to grant that the sacred writer could have |
| made a mistake. Nor may the opinion of those be tolerated, who, in |
| order to get out of these difficulties, do not hesitate to suppose that |
| Divine inspiration extends only to what touches faith and morals, |
| on the false plea that the true meaning is sought for less in what |
| God has said than in the motive for which He has said it. (Denz., |
| 1950) |
| In fact, a limited inspiration contradicts Christian tradition and theological |
| teaching. |
| B. Verbal Inspiration |
| Theologians discuss the question, whether inspiration controlled the choice of |
| the words used or operated only in what concerned the sense of the assertions |
| made in the Bible. In the sixteenth century verbal inspiratiion was the current |
| teaching. The Jesuits of Louvain were the first to react against this opinion. They |
| held "that it is not necessary in order that a text be Holy Scripture, for the Holy |
| Ghost to have inspired the very material words used." The protests against this |
| new opinion were so violent that Bellarmine and Suarez thought it their duty to |
| tone down the formula by declaring "that all the words of the text have been |
| dictated by the Holy Ghost in what concerns the substance, but differently |
| according to the diverse conditiions of the instruments." This opinion went on |
| gaining in precision, and little by little it disentangled itself from the terminology |
| which it had borrowed from the the adverse opinion, notably from the word |
| "dictation." Its progress was so rapid that at the beginning of the nineteenth |
| century it was more commonly taught than the theory of verbal inspiration. |
| Cardinal Franzelin seems to have given it its definite form. During the last quarter |
| of a century verbal inspiration has again found partisans, and they become more |
| numerous every day. However, the theologians of today, whilst retaining the |
| terminology of the older school, have profoundly modified the theory itself. They |
| no longer speak of a material dictation of words to the ear of the writer, nor of an |
| interior revelation of the term to be employed, but of a Divine motion extending to |
| every faculty and even to the powers of execution to the writer, and in |
| consequence influencing the whole work, even its editing. Thus the sacred text is |
| wholly the work of God and wholly the work of man, of the latter, by way of |
| instrument, of the former by way of principal cause. Under this rejuvenated form |
| the theory of verbal inspiration shows a marked advance towards reconcilation |
| with the rival opinion. From an exegetical and apologetical point of view it is |
| indifferent which of these two opinions we adopt. All agree that the |
| characteristics of style as well as the imperfections affecting the subject matter |
| itself, belong to the inspired writer. As for the inerrancy of the inspired text it is to |
| the Inspirer that it must be finally attributed, and it matters little if God has |
| insured the truth of His Scripture by the grace of inspiration itself, as the |
| adherents of verbal inspiration teach, rather than by a providential assistance. |
| IV. PROTESTANT VIEWS ON THE INSPIRATION OF THE BIBLE |
| A. At the Beginning of the Reformation |
| (1) As a necessary consequence of their attitude towards the Bible, which they |
| had taken as their only rule of Faith, the Protestants were led at the very outset |
| to go beyond the ideas of a merely passive inspiration, which was commonly |
| received in the first half of the sixteenth century. Not only did they make no |
| distinction between inspiration and revelation, but Scripture, both in its matter |
| and style, was considered as revelation itself. In it God spoke to the reader just |
| as He did to the Israelites of old from the mercy-seat. Hence that kind of cult |
| which some protestants of today call "Bibliolatry." In the midst of the incertitude, |
| vagueness, and antinomies of those early times, when the Reformation like |
| Luther himself, was trying to find a way and a symbol, one can discern a |
| constant preoccupation, that of indissolubly joining religious belief to the very |
| truth of God by means of His written Word. The Lutherans who devoted |
| themselves to composing the Protestant theory of inspiration were Melanchthon, |
| Chemzitz, Quenstedt, Calov. Soon, to the inspiration of the words was added |
| that of the vowel points of the present Hebrew text. This was not a mere opinion |
| held by the two Buxtorfs, but a doctrine defined, and imposed under pain of |
| imprisonment, and exile, by the Confession of the Swiss Churches, promulgated |
| in 1675. These dispositions were abrogated in 1724. The Purists held that in the |
| Bible there are neither barbarisms nor solecisms; that the Greek of the New |
| Testament is as pure as that of the classical authors. It was said, with a certain |
| amount of truth, that the Bible had become a sacrament for the Reformers. |
| (2) In the seventeenth century began the controversies which, in course of time, |
| were to end in the theory of inspiration now generally accepted by Protestants. |
| The two principles which brought about the Reformation were precisely the |
| instruments of this revolution; on the one side, the claim for every human soul of |
| a teaching of the the Holy Ghost, which was immediate and independent of of |
| every exterior rule; on the other, the right of private judgment, or autonomy of |
| individual reasoning, in reading and studying the Bible. In the name of the first |
| principle, on which Zwingli had insisted more than Luther and Calvin, the Pietists |
| thought to free themselves from the letter of the Bible which fettered the action of |
| the Spirit. A French Huguenot, Seb. Castellion (d. 1563), had already been bold |
| enough to distinguish between the letter and the spirit; according to him the spirit |
| only came from God, the letter was no more than a "case, husk, or shell of the |
| spirit." |
| The Quakers, the followers of Swedenborg, and the Irvingites were to force this |
| theory to its utmost limits; real revealation -- the only one which instructs and |
| sanctifies -- was that produced under the immediate influence of the Holy Ghost. |
| While the Pietists read their Bible with the help of interior illumination alone, |
| others, in even greater numbers, tried to get some light from philological and |
| historical researches which had received their decisive impulse from the |
| Renaissance. Every facility was assured to their investigations by the principle of |
| freedom of private judgment; and of this they took advantage. The conclusions |
| obtained by this method could not be fatal to the theory of inspiration by |
| revelation. In vain did its partisans say that God's will had been to reveal to the |
| Evangelists in four different ways the words which, in reality, Christ had uattered |
| only once; that the Holy Ghost varied His style accoring as he was dictation to |
| Isaias or to Amos -- such an explanation was nothing short of an avowal of the |
| ability to meet the facts alleged against them. As a matter of fact, Faustus |
| Socinus (d. 1562) had already held that the words and, in general, the style of |
| Scripture were not inspired. Soon afterwards, George Calixtus, Episcopius, and |
| Grotinus made a clear distinction between inspiration and revelation. According |
| to the last-named, nothing was revealed but the prophecies and the words of |
| Jesus Christ, everything else was only inspired. Still further, he reduces |
| inspiration to a pious motion of the sould {see "Votum pro pace Ecclesiae" in his |
| complete works, III (1679), 672}. The Dutch Arminian school then represented by |
| J. LeClerc, and, in France, by L. Capelle, Daillé, Blondel, and other, followed the |
| same course. Although they kept current terminology, they made it apparent, |
| nevertheless, that the formula, "The Bible is the Word of God," was already about |
| to be replaced by "The Bible contains the Word of God." Morever, the term word |
| was to be taken in an equivocal sense. |
| B. Biblical Rationalism |
| In spite of all, the Bible was still held as the criterion of religious belief. To rob it |
| of this prerogative was the work which the eighteenth century set itself to |
| accomplish. In the attack then made on the Divine inspiration of the Scriptures |
| three classes of assailants are to be distinguished. |
| (1) The Naturalist philosophers, who were the forerunners of modern unbelief |
| (Hobbes, Spinoza, Wolf); the English Deists (Toland, Collins, Woolston, Tindal, |
| Morgan); the German Rationalists (Reimarus, Lessing); the French |
| Encyclopedists (Voltaire, Bayle) strove by every means, not forgetting abuse and |
| sarcasm, to prove how absurd it was to claim a Divine origin for a book in which |
| all the blemishes and errors of human writings are to be found. |
| (2) The critics applied to the Bible, the methods adopted for the study of profane |
| authors. They, from the literary and historic point of view, reached the same |
| conclusion as the infidel philosophers; but they thought they could remain |
| believers by distinguishing in the Bible between the religious and the profane |
| element. The latter they gave up to the free judgment of historical criticism; the |
| former they pretended to uphold, but not without restrictions, which profoundly |
| changed its import. According to Semler, the father of Biblical Rationalism, |
| Christ and the Apostles accommodated themselves to the false opinions of their |
| contemporaries; according to Kant and Eichborn, everything which does not |
| agree with sane reason must be regarded as Jewish invention. Religion restricted |
| within the limits of reason -- that was the point which the critical movement |
| initiated by Grotius and LeClerc had in common with the philosophy of Kant and |
| the theology of Wegscheider. The dogma of plenary inspiration dragged down |
| with it, in its final ruin, the very notion of revelation (A. Sabatier, Les religions |
| d'autorité et la religion de l'espirit, 2nd ed., 1904, p. 331). |
| (3) These philosophical historical controversiers about Scriptural authority caused |
| great anxiety in religious minds. There were many who then sought their |
| salvation in one of the principles put forward by the earlly Reformers, notably by |
| Calvin: to wit, that truly Christian certitude came from the testimony of the Holy |
| Spirit. Man had but to sound his own soul in order to find the essence of religion, |
| which was not a science, but a life, a sentiment. Such was the verdict of the |
| Kantian philosophy then in vogue. It was useless, from the religious point of view, |
| to discuss the extrinsic claims of the Bible; far better was the moral experience |
| of its intrinisc worth. The Bible itself was nothing but a hostory of the religious |
| experiences of the Prophets, of Christ and His Apostles, of the Synagogue and |
| of the Church. Truth and Faith came not from without, but sprang from the |
| Christian conscience as their source. Now this conscience was awakened and |
| sustained by the narration of the religious experiences of those who had gone |
| before. What mattered, then, the judgment passed by criticism on the historical |
| truth of this narration, if it only evoked a salutary emotion in the soul? Here the |
| useful alone was true. Not the text, but the reader was inspired. Such, in its |
| broad outlines, was the final stage of a movement which Spener, Wesley, the |
| Moravian Brethren, and, generally, the Pietists initiated, but of which |
| Schleiermacher (1768-1834) was to be the theologian and the propagator in the |
| nineteenth century. |
| C. Present Conditions |
| (1) The traditional views, however, were not abandoned without resistance. A |
| movement back to the old idea of the theopneustia, including verbal inspiration, |
| set in nearly everywhere in the first half of the nineteenth century. This reaction |
| was called the Réveil. Among its principal promoters must be mentioned the |
| Swiss L. Gaussen, W. Lee, in England, A. Dlorner in Germany, and, more |
| recently, W. Rohnert. their labours at first evoked interest and sympathy, but |
| were destined to fail before the efforts of a counter-reaction which sought to |
| complete the work of Schleiermacher. it was led by Alex, Vinet, Edm. Scherer, |
| and E. Rabaud in France; Rich. Rothe and especially Ritschl in Germany; S.T. |
| Coleridge, F.D. Maurice, and Matthew Arnold in England. According to them, the |
| ancient dogma of the theopneustia is not to be reformed, but given up altogether. |
| In the heat of the struggle, however, university professors like E. Reuss, freely |
| used the historical method; without denying inspiration they ignored it. |
| (2) Abstracting from accidental differences, the present opinion of the so-called |
| progressive Protestants (who profess, nevertheless, to remain sufficiently |
| orthodox), as represented in Germany by B. Weiss, R.F. Grau, and H Cremer, in |
| England by W. Sanday, C. Gore, and most Anglican scholars, may be reduced |
| to the following heads: (a) the purely passive, mechanical theopneustia, |
| extending to the very words, is no longer tenable. (b) Inspiration had degrees: |
| suggestion, direction, elevation, and superintendency. All the sacred writers have |
| not been equally inspired. (c) Inspiration is personal that is, given directly to the |
| sacred writer to enlighten, stimulate, and purify his faculties. This religious |
| enthusiasm, like every great passion, exalts the powers of the soul; it belongs, |
| therefore, to the spiritual order, and is not merely a help given immediately to the |
| intellect. Biblical inspiration, being a seizure of the ntire man by the Divine virtue, |
| does not differ essentially from the gift of the Holy Spirit imparted to all the |
| faithful. (d) It is, to say the least, an improper use of language to call the sacred |
| text itself inspired. At any rate, this text can, and actually does, err not only in |
| profane matters, but also in those appertaining more or less to religion, since the |
| Prophets and Christ Himself, notwithstanding His Divinity, did not possess |
| absolute infallibility. (Cf. Denney, A Dict. of Christ and the Gospels, I, 148-49.) |
| The Bible is a historical document which taken in its entirety contains the |
| authentic narrative of revelation, the tidings of salvation. (c) Revealed truth, and, |
| consequently, the Faith we derive from it are not founded on the Bible, but on |
| Christ himself; it is from Him and through Him that the written text acquires |
| definitely all its worth. But how are we to reach the historical reality of Jesus -- |
| His teaching, His institutions -- if Scripture, as well as Tradition, offers us no |
| faithful picture? The question is a painful one. To establish the inspiration and |
| Divine authority of the Bible the early Reformers had substituted for the teaching |
| of the Church internal criteria, notably the interior testimony of the Holy Spirit and |
| the spiritual efficacy of the text. Most Protestant theologians of the present day |
| agree in declaring these criteria neither scientific nor traditional; and at any rate |
| they consider them insufficient. (On the true criterion of inspiration see CANON |
| OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.) They profess, consequently, to supplement |
| them, if not to replace them altogether, by a rational demonstration of the |
| autheticity and substantial trustworthiness of the Biblical text. The new method |
| may well provide a starting-point for the fundamental theology of Revelation, but it |
| cannot supply a complete justification of the Canon, as it has been so far |
| maintained in the Churches of the Reformation. Anglican theologians, too, like |
| Gore and Sanday, gladly appeal tot he dogmatic testimony of the collective |
| conscience of the universal Church; but, in so doing, they break with one of the |
| first principles of the Reformation, the autonomy of the individual conscience. |
| (3) The position of liberal Protestants (i.e. those who are independent of all |
| dogma) may be easily defined. The Bible is just like other texts, neither inspired |
| nor the rule of Faith. Religious belief is quite subjective. So far is it from |
| depending on the dogmatic or even historical authority of a book that it gives to it, |
| itself, its real worth. When religious texts, the Bible included, are in question, |
| history -- or, at least, what people generally believe to historical -- is largely a |
| product of faith, whcih has transfigured the facts. The authors of the Bible may be |
| called inspired, that is endowed with a superior perception of religious matters; |
| but this religious enthusiasm does not differ essentially from that which animated |
| Homer and Plato. This is the denial of everything supernatural, in the ordinary |
| sense of the word, as well in the Bible as in religion in general. Nevertheless, |
| those who hold this theory defend themselves from the charge of infidelity, |
| especially repudiating the cold Rationalism of the last century, which was made |
| up exclusively of negations. They think that they remain sufficiently Christian by |
| adhering to the religious sentiment to which Christ ahs given the most perfect |
| expression yet known. Following Kant, Schleiermacher, and Ritschl, they |
| profess a religion freed from all philosophical intellectualism and from every |
| historical proof. Facts and formulae of the past have, in their eyes, only a |
| symbolic and a transient value. Such is the new theology spread by the |
| best-known professors and writers especially in Germany -- historians, exegetes, |
| philologists, or even pastors of souls. We need only mention Harnack, H.J. |
| Holtzmann, Fried. Delitzsch, Cheyne, Campbell, A. Sabatier, Albert and John |
| Réville. it is to this transformation of Christianity that "Modernism," condemned |
| by the Encyclical Pascendi Gregis, owes its origin. |
| In modern Protestantism the Bible has decidely fallen from the primacy which the |
| Reformation had so loudly conferred upon it. The fall is a fatal one, becoming |
| deeper from day to day; and without remedy, since it is the logical consequence |
| of the fundamental principle put forward by Luther and Calvin. Freedom of |
| examination was destined sooner or later to produce freedom of thought. (Cf. A. |
| Sabatier, Les religions d'autorite et la religion de l'espirité, 2nd ed., 1904, pp. |
| 399-403.) |
| CATHOLIC WORKS.-FRANZELIN, Tractatus de divina traditione et scriptura (2nd ed., Rome, 1875), |
| 321-405; SCHMID, De inspirationis bibliorum vi et ratione (Louvain, 1886); ZANECCHIA, Divina |
| inspiratio Sacrae Scripturae (Rome, 1898); Scriptor Sacer (Rome, 1903); BILLOT, De inspiratione |
| Sacrae Scripturae (Rome, 1903); CH. PESCH, De inspiratione Sacrae Scripturae (Freiburg im Br., |
| 1906); LAGRANGE in Revue Biblique (Paris, 1895), p. (London,6 Nov., 1897, to 5 Feb., 1898); |
| HUMMELAUER, Exegetisches zur Inspirationsfrage (Freiburg im Br., 1904); FONCK, Der Kampf um |
| die Warheit der heil. Schrift seit 25 Jahren (Innsburck, 1905); DAUSCH, Die Schrifitnspiration |
| (Freiburg im Br., 1891); HOLZHEY, Die Inspiration de heil. Schrift in der Anschauung des Mittelaters |
| (Munich, 1895); CH. PESCH, Zur neuesten Geschichte der Katholischen Inspirationslehre (Freiburg |
| im Br., 1902) |
| PROTESTANT WORKS.-GUSSEN, Theopneustic (2nd ed., Paris, 1842), tr. Pleanry Inspiration of |
| Holy Scripture; LEE, Inspiration of Holy Scripture (Dublin, 1854); ROHNERT, Die Inspiration, der |
| heil, Schrift und ihre Bestreiter (Leipzig, 1889); SANDAY, The oracles of God (London, 1891); |
| FARRAR, The Bible, Its meaning and Supremacy (London, 1897); History of Interpretation (London |
| 1886); A Clerical Symposium on Inspiration (London, 1884); RABAUD, Histoire de la doctrine de l |
| inspriaation dans les pays de langue francaise depuis la Reforme jusqu a nos jours (Paris, 1883). |
| ALFRED DURAND |
| Transcribed by Beth Ste-Marie |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VIII |
| Copyright © 1910 by Robert Appleton Company |
| Online Edition Copyright © 1999 by Kevin Knight |
| Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1910. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor |
| Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia: newadvent.org |