| Scripture |
| Sacred Scripture is one of the several names denoting the inspired writings which |
| make up the Old and New Testament. |
| I. USE OF THE WORD |
| The corresponding Latin word scriptura occurs in some passages of the Vulgate |
| in the general sense of "writing"; e.g., Ex., xxxii, 16: "the writing also of God was |
| graven in the tables"; again, II Par., xxxvi, 22: "who [Cyrus] commanded it to be |
| proclaimed through all his kingdom, and by writing also". In other passages of |
| the Vulgate the word denotes a private (Tob., viii, 24) or public (Esdr., ii, 62; |
| Neh., vii, 64) written document, a catalogue or index (Ps. lxxxvi, 6), or finally |
| portions of Scripture, such as the canticle of Ezechias (Is., xxxviii, 5), and the |
| sayings of the wise men (Ecclus., xliv, 5). The writer of II Par., xxx, 5, 18, refers |
| to prescriptions of the Law by the formula "as it is written", which is rendered by |
| the Septuagint translators kata ten graphen; para ten graphen, "according to |
| Scripture". The same expression is found in I Esdr., iii, 4, and II Esdr., viii, 15; |
| here we have the beginning of the later form of appeal to the authority of the |
| inspired books gegraptai (Matt., iv, 4, 6, 10; xxi, 13; etc.), or kathos gegraptai |
| (Rom., i, 11; ii, 24, etc.), "it is written", "as it is written". |
| As the verb graphein was thus employed to denote passages of the sacred |
| writings, so the corresponding noun he graphe gradually came to signify what is |
| pre-eminently the writing, or the inspired writing. This use of the word may be |
| seen in John, vii, 38; x, 35; Acts, viii, 32; Rom., iv, 3; ix, 17; Gal., iii, 8; iv, 30; II |
| Tim., iii, 16; James, ii, 8; I Pet., ii, 6; II Pet., i, 20; the plural form of the noun, ai |
| graphai, is used in the same sense in Matt., xxi, 42; xxii, 29; xxvi, 54; Mark, xii, |
| 24; xiv, 49; Luke, xxiv, 27, 45; John, v, 39; Acts, xvii, 2, 17; xviii, 24, 28; I Cor., |
| xv, 3, 4. In a similar sense are employed the expressions graphai hagiai (Rom., i, |
| 2), ai graphai ton propheton (Matt., xxvi, 56), graphai prophetikai (Rom., xvi, 26). |
| The word has a somewhat modified sense in Christ's question, "and have you not |
| read this scripture" (Mark, xii, 10). In the language of Christ and the Apostles the |
| expression "scripture" or "scriptures" denotes the sacred books of the Jews. The |
| New Testament uses the expressions in this sense about fifty times; but they |
| occur more frequently in the Fourth Gospel and the Epistles than in the synoptic |
| Gospels. At times, the contents of Scripture are indicated more accurately as |
| comprising the Law and the Prophets (Rom., iii, 21; Acts xxviii, 23), or the Law of |
| Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms (Luke, xxiv, 44). The Apostle St. Peter |
| extends the designation Scripture also to tas loipas graphas (II Pet., iii, 16), |
| denoting the Pauline Epistles; St. Paul (I Tim., v, 18) seems to refer by the same |
| expression to both Deut., xxv, 4, and Luke, x, 7. |
| It is disputed whether the word graphe in the singular is ever used of the Old |
| Testament as a whole. Lightfoot (Gal., iii, 22) expresses the opinion that the |
| singular graphe in the New Testament always means a particular passage of |
| Scripture. But in Rom., iv, 3, he modifies his view, appealing to Dr. Vaughan's |
| statement of the case. He believes that the usage of St. John may admit a |
| doubt, though he does not think so, personally; but St. Paul's practice is |
| absolute and uniform. Mr. Hort says (I Pet., ii, 6) that in St. John and St. Paul he |
| graphe is capable of being understood as approximating to the collective sense |
| (cf. Westcott. "Hebr.", pp. 474 sqq.; Deissmann, "Bibelstudien", pp. 108 sqq., |
| Eng. tr., pp. 112 sqq., Warfield, "Pres. and Reform. Review", X, July, 1899, pp. |
| 472 sqq.). Here arises the question whether the expression of St. Peter (II, Pet., |
| iii, 16) tas loipas graphas refers to a collection of St. Paul's Epistles. Spitta |
| contends that the term graphai is used in a general non-technical meaning, |
| denoting only writings of St. Paul's associates (Spitta, "Der zweite Brief des |
| Petrus und der Brief des Judas", 1885, p. 294). Zahn refers the term to writings of |
| a religious character which could claim respect in Christian circles either on |
| account of their authors or on account of their use in public worship (Einleitung, |
| pp. 98 sqq., 108). But Mr. F.H. Chase adheres to the principle that the phrase ai |
| graphai used absolutely points to a definite and recognized collection of writings, |
| i.e., Scriptures. The accompanying words, kai, tas loipas, and the verb |
| streblousin in the context confirm Mr. Chase in his conviction (cf. Dict. of the |
| Bible, III, p. 810b). |
| II. NATURE OF SCRIPTURE |
| A. According to the Jews |
| Whether the terms graphe, graphai, and their synonymous expressions to |
| biblion (II Esdr., viii, 8), ta biblia (Dan., ix, 2), kephalis bibliou (Ps., xxxix, 8), he |
| iera biblos (II Mach., viii, 23), ta biblia ta hagia (I Mach., xii, 9), ta iera grammata |
| (II Tim., iii, 15) refer to particular writings or to a collection of books, they at least |
| show the existence of a number of written documents the authority of which was |
| generally accepted as supreme. The nature of this authority may be inferred from |
| a number of other passages. According to Deut., xxxi, 9-13, Moses wrote the |
| Book of the Law (of the Lord), and delivered it to the priests that they might keep |
| it and read it to the people; see also Ex., xvii, 14; Deut., xvii, 18-19; xxvii, 1; |
| xxviii, 1; 58-61; xxix, 20; xxx, 10; xxxi, 26; I Kings, x, 25; III Kings, ii, 3; IV |
| Kings, xxii, 8. It is clear from IV Kings, xxiii, 1-3, that towards the end of the |
| Jewish kingdom the Book of the Law of the Lord was held in the highest honour |
| as containing the precepts of the Lord Himself. That this was also the case after |
| the Captivity, may be inferred from II Esdr., viii, 1-9, 13,14, 18; the book here |
| mentioned contained the injuctions concerning the Feast of Tabernacles found in |
| Lev., xxiii, 34 sq.; Deut., xvi, 13 sq., and is therefore identical with the pre-Exilic |
| Sacred Books. According to I Mach., i, 57-59, Antiochus commanded the Books |
| of the Law of the Lord to be burned and their retainers to slain. We learn from II |
| Mach., ii, 13, that at the time of Nehemias there existed a collection of books |
| containing historical, prophetical, and psalmodic writings; since the collection is |
| represented as unifrom, and since the portions were considered as certainly of |
| Divine authority, we may infer that this characteristic was ascribed to all, at least |
| in some degree. Coming down to the time of Christ, we find that Flavius |
| Josephus attributes to the twenty-two protocanonical books of the Old Testament |
| Divine authority, maintaining that they had been written under Divine inspiration |
| and that they contain God's teachings (Contra Appion., I, vi-viii). The Hellenist |
| Philo too is acquainted with the three parts of the sacred Jewish books to which |
| he ascribes an irrefragable authority, because they contain God's oracles |
| expressed through the instrumentality of the sacred writers ("De vit. Mosis", pp. |
| 469, 658 sq.; "De monarchia", p. 564). |
| B. According to Christian Living This concept of Scripture is fully upheld by |
| the Christian teaching. Jesus Christ Himself appeals to the authority of Scripture, |
| "Search the scriptures" (John, v, 39); He maintains that "one jot, or one tittle |
| shall not pass of the law, till all be fulfilled" (Matt., v, 18); He regards it as a |
| principle that "the Scripture cannot be broken" (John, x, 35); He presents the |
| word of Scripture as the word of the eternal Father (John, v, 33-41), as the word |
| of a writer inspired by the Holy Ghost (Matt., xxii, 43), as the word of God (Matt., |
| xix, 4-5; xxii, 31); He declares that "all things must needs be fulfilled which are |
| written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms, concerning |
| me (Luke, xxiv, 44). The Apostles knew that "prophecy came not by the will of |
| man at any time: but the holy men of God spoke, inspired by the Holy Ghost" (II |
| Pet., i, 21); they regarded "all scripture, inspired of God" as "profitable to teach, |
| to reprove, to correct, to instruct in justice" (II Tim., iii, 16). They considered the |
| words of Scripture as the words of God speaking in the inspired writer or by the |
| mouth of the inspired writer (Heb., iv, 7; Acts, i, 15-16; iv, 25). Finally, they |
| appealed to Scripture as to an irresistible authority (Rom., passim), they |
| supposed that parts of Scripture have a typical sense such as only God can |
| employ (John, xix, 36; Heb., i, 5; vii, 3 sqq.), and they derived most important |
| conclusions even from a few words or certain grammatical forms of Scripture |
| (Gal., iii, 16; Heb., xii, 26-27). It is not surprising, then, that the earliest Christian |
| writers speak in the same strain of the Scriptures. St. Clement of Rome (I Cor., |
| xlv) tells his readers to search the Scriptures for the truthful expressions of the |
| Holy Ghost. St. Irenaeus (Adv. haer., II, xxxviii, 2) considers the Scriptures as |
| uttered by the Word of God and His Spirit. Origen testifies that it is granted by |
| both Jews and Christians that the Bible was written under (the influence of) the |
| Holy Ghost (Contra Cels., V, x); again, he considers it as proven by Christ's |
| dwelling in the flesh that the Law and the Prophets were written by a heavenly |
| charisma, and that the writings believed to be the words of God are not men's |
| work (De princ., iv, vi). St. Clement of Alexandria receives the voice of God who |
| has given the Scriptures, as a reliable proof (Strom., ii). |
| C. According to Ecclesiastical Documents |
| Not to multiply patristic testimony for the Divine authority of Scripture, we may |
| add the official doctrine of the Church on the nature of Sacred Scripture. The fifth |
| ecumenical council condemned Theodore of Mopsuestia for his opposition |
| against the Divine authority of the books of Solomon, the Book of Job, and the |
| Canticle of Canticles. Since the fourth century the teaching of the Church |
| concerning the nature of the Bible is practically summed up in the dogmatic |
| formula that God is the author of Sacred Scripture. According to the first chapter |
| of the Council of Carthage (A.D. 398), bishops before being consecrated must |
| express their belief in this formula, and this profession of faith is exacted of them |
| even today. In the thirteenth century, Innocent III imposed this formula on the |
| Waldensians; Clement IV exacted its acceptance from Michael Palaeologus, and |
| the emperor actually accepted it in his letter to the Second Council of Lyons |
| (1272). The same formula was repeated in the fifteenth century by Eugenius IV in |
| his Decree for the Jacobites, in the sixteenth century by the Council of Trent |
| (Sess. IV, decr. de can. Script.), and in the nineteenth century by the Vatican |
| Council. What is implied in this Divine authorship of Sacred Scripture, and how it |
| is to be explained, has been set forth in the article INSPIRATION. |
| III. COLLECTION OF SACRED BOOKS |
| What has been said implies that Scripture does not refer to any single book, but |
| comprises a number of books written at different times and by different writers |
| working under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. Hence the question, how could |
| such a collection be made, and how was it made in point of fact? |
| A. Question of Right |
| The main difficulty as to the first question (quoestio juris) arises from the fact that |
| a book must be Divinely inspired in order to lay claim to the dignity of being |
| regarded as Scripture. Various methods have been suggested for ascertaining |
| the fact of inspiration. It has been claimed that so-called internal criteria are |
| sufficient to lead us to the knowledge of this fact. But on closer investigation they |
| prove inadequate. |
| Miracles and prophecies require a Divine intervention in order that they |
| may happen, not in order that they may be recorded; hence a work |
| relating miracles or prophecies is not necessarily inspired. |
| The so-called ethico-aesthetic criterium is inadequate. It fails to establish |
| that certain portions of Scripture are inspired writings, e.g., the |
| genealogical tables, and the summary accounts of the kings of Juda, |
| while it favours the inspiration of several post-Apostolic works, e.g., of the |
| "Imitation of Christ", and of the "Epistles" of St. Ignatius Martyr. |
| The same must be said of the psychological criterium, or the effect which |
| the perusal of Scripture produces in the heart of the reader. Such |
| emotions are subjective, and vary in different readers. The Epistle of St. |
| James appeared strawlike to Luther, divine to Calvin. |
| These internal criteria are inadequate even if they be taken collectively. |
| Wrong keys are unable to open a lock whether they be used singly or |
| collectively. |
| Other students of this subject have endeavored to establish Apostolic authorship |
| as a criterium of inspiration. But this answer does not give us a criterium for the |
| inspiration of the Old Testament books, nor does it touch the inspiration of the |
| Gospels of St. Mark and St. Luke, neither of whom was an Apostle. Besides, the |
| Apostles were endowed with the gift of infallibility in their teaching, and in their |
| writing as far as it formed part of their teaching; but infallibility in writing does not |
| imply inspiration. Certain writings of the Roman pontiff may be infallible, but they |
| are not inspired; God is not their author. Nor can the criterium of inspiration be |
| placed in the testimony of history. For inspiration is a supernatural fact, known |
| only to God and probably to the inspired writer. Hence human testimony |
| concerning inspiration is based, at best, on the testimony of one person who is, |
| naturally speaking, an interested party in the matter concerning which he |
| testifies. The history of the the false prophets of former times as well as of our |
| own day teaches us the futility of such testimony. It is true that miracles and |
| prophecy may, at times, confirm such human testimony as to the inspiration of a |
| work. But, in the first place, not all inspired writers have been prophets or |
| workers of miracles; in the second place, in order that prophecies or miracles |
| may serve as proof of inspiration, it must be clear that the miracles were |
| performed, and the prophecies were uttered, to establish the fact in question; in |
| the third place, if this condition be verified, the testimony for inspiration is no |
| longer merely human, but it has become Divine. No one will doubt the sufficiency |
| of Divine testimony to establish the fact of inspiration; on the other hand, no one |
| can deny the need of such testimony in order that we may distinguish with |
| certainty between an inspired and a non-inspired book. |
| B. Question of Fact |
| It is a rather difficult problem to state with certainty, how and when the several |
| books of the Old and the New Testament were received as sacred by the |
| religious community. Deut., xxxi, 9, 24 sqq., informs us that Moses delivered the |
| Book of the Law to the Levites and the ancients of Israel to be deposited "in the |
| side of the ark of the covenant"; according to Deut., xvii, 18, the king had to |
| procure for himself a copy of at least a part of the book, so as to "read it all the |
| days of his life". Josue (xxiv, 26) added his portion to the law-book of Israel, and |
| this may be regarded as the second step in the collection of the Old Testament |
| writings. According to Is., xxxiv, 16, and Jer., xxxvi, 4, the prophets Isaias and |
| Jeremias collected their respective prophetic utterances. The words of II Par., |
| xxix, 30, lead us to suppose that in the days of King Ezechias there either |
| existed or originated a collection of the Psalms of David and of Asaph. From |
| Prov., xxv, 1, one may infer that about the same time there was made a |
| collection of the Solomonic writings, which may have been added to the |
| collection of psalms. In the second century B.C. the Minor Prophets had been |
| collected into one work (Ecclus., xlix, 12) which is cited in Acts, vii, 42, as "the |
| books of the prophets". The expressions found in Dan., ix, 2, and I Mach., xii, 9, |
| suggest that even these smaller collections had been gathered into a larger body |
| of sacred books. Such a larger collection is certainly implied in the words II |
| Mach., ii, 13, and the prologue of Ecclesiasticus. Since these two passages |
| mention the main divisions of the Old-Testament canon, this latter must have |
| been completed, at least with regard to the earlier books, during the course of |
| the second century B.C. |
| It is generally granted that the Jews in the time of Jesus Christ acknowledged as |
| canonical or included in their collection of sacred writings all the so-called |
| protocanonical books of the Old Testament. Christ and the Apostles endorsed |
| this faith of the Jews, so that we have Divine authority for their Scriptural |
| character. As there are solid reasons for maintaining that some of the |
| New-Testament writers made use of the Septuagint version which contained the |
| deuterocanonical books of the Old Testament, these latter too are in so far |
| attested as part of Sacred Scripture. Again, II Pet., iii, 15-16, ranks all the |
| Epistles of St. Paul with the "other scriptures", and I Tim., v, 18, seems to quote |
| Luke, x, 7, and to place it on a level with Deut., xxv, 4. But these arguments for |
| the canonicity of the deuterocanonical books of the Old Testament, of the |
| Pauline Epistles, and of the Gospel of St. Luke do not exclude all reasonable |
| doubt. Only the Church, the infallible bearer of tradition, can furnish us invincible |
| certainty as to the number of the Divinely inspired books of both the Old and the |
| New Testament. See CANON OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. |
| IV. DIVISION OF SCRIPTURE |
| A. Old and New Testaments |
| As the two dispensations of grace separated from each other by the advent of |
| Jesus are called the Old and the New Testament (Matt., xxvi, 28; II Cor., iii, 14), |
| so were the inspired writings belonging to either economy of grace from the |
| earliest times called books of the Old or of the New Testament, or simply the Old |
| or the New Testament. This name of the two great divisions of the inspired |
| writings has been practically common among Latin Christians from the time of |
| Tertullian, though Tertullian himself frequently employs the name "Instrumentum" |
| or legally authentic document; Cassiodorus uses the title "Sacred Pandects", or |
| sacred digest of law. |
| B. Protocanonical and Deuterocanonical |
| The word "canon" denoted at first the material rule, or instrument, employed in |
| various trades; in a metaphorical sense it signified the form of perfection that had |
| to be attained in the various arts or trades. In this metaphorical sense some of |
| the early Fathers urged the canon of truth, the canon of tradition, the canon of |
| faith, the canon of the Church against the erroneous tenets of the early heretics |
| (St. Clem., "I Cor.", vii; Clem. of Alex., "Strom.", xvi; Orig., "De princip.", IV, ix; |
| etc.). St. Irenaeus employed another metaphor, calling the Fourth Gospel the |
| canon of truth (Adv. haer., III, xi); St. Isidore of Pelusium applies the name to all |
| the inspired writings (Epist., iv, 14). About the time of St. Augustine (Contra |
| Crescent., II, xxxix) and St. Jerome (Prolog. gal.), the word "canon" began to |
| denote the collection of Sacred Scriptures; among later writers it is used |
| practically in the sense of catalogue of inspired books. In the sixteenth century, |
| Sixtus Senensis, O.P., distinguished between protocanonical and |
| deuterocanonical books. This distinction does not indicate a difference of |
| authority, but only a difference of time at which the books were recognized by the |
| whole Church as Divinely inspired. Deuterocanonical, therefore, are those books |
| concerning the inspiration of which some Churches doubted more or less |
| seriously for a time, but which were accepted by the whole Church as really |
| inspired, after the question had been thoroughly investigated. As to the Old |
| Testament, the Books of Tobias, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I, II, |
| Machabees, and alos Esther, x, 4- xvi, 24, Daniel, iii, 24-90, xiii, 1-xiv, 42, are in |
| this sense deuterocanonical; the same must be said of the following New- |
| Testament books and portions: Hebrews, James, II Peter, II, III John, Jude, |
| Apocalypse, Mark, xiii, 9-20, Luke, xxii, 43-44, John, vii, 53-viii, 11. Protestant |
| writers often call the deuterocanonical Books of the Old Testament the |
| Apocrypha. |
| C. Tripartite Division of Testaments The prologue of Ecclesiasticus shows |
| that the Old-Testament books were divided into three parts, the Law, the |
| Prophets, and the Writings (the Hagiographa). The same division is mentioned in |
| Luke, xxiv, 44, and has been kept by the later Jews. The Law or the Torah |
| comprises only the Pentateuch. The second part contains two sections: the |
| former Prophets (Josue, Judges, Samuel, and Kings), and the latter Prophets |
| (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the Minor Prophets, called the Twelve, and |
| counted as one book). The third division embraces three kinds of books: first |
| poetical books (Psalms, Proverbs, Job); secondly, the five Megilloth or Rolls |
| (Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther); thirdly, the |
| three remaining books (Daniel, Esdras, Paralipomenon). Hence, adding the five |
| books of the first division to the eight of the second, and the eleven of the third, |
| the entire Canon of the Jewish Scriptures embraces twenty-four books. Another |
| arrangement connects Ruth with the Book of Judges, and Lamentations with |
| Jeremias, and thus reduces the number of the books in the Canon to twenty-two. |
| The division of the New-Testament books into the Gospel and the Apostle |
| (Evangelium et Apostolus, Evangelia et Apostoli, Evangelica et Apostolica) |
| began in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers (St. Ignatius, "Ad Philad.", v; |
| "Epist. ad Diogn., xi) and was commonly adopted about the end of the second |
| century (St. Iren., "Adv. haer.", I, iii; Tert., "De praescr.", xxxiv; St. Clem. of |
| Alex., "Strom.", VII, iii; etc.); but the more recent Fathers did not adhere to it. It |
| has been found more convenient to divide both the Old Testament and the New |
| into four, or still better into three parts. The four parts distinguish between legal, |
| historical, didactic or doctrinal, and prophetic books, while the tripartite division |
| adds the legal books (the Pentateuch and the Gospels) to the historical, and |
| retains the other two classes, i.e., the didactic and the prophetic books. |
| D. Arrangement of Books |
| The catalogue of the Council of Trent arranges the inspired books partly in a |
| topological, partly in a chronological order. In the Old Testament, we have first all |
| the historical books, excepting the two books of the Machabees which were |
| supposed to have been written last of all. These historical books are arranged |
| according to the order of time of which they treat; the books of Tobias, Judith, |
| and Ester, however, occupy the last place because they relate personal history. |
| The body of didactic works occupies the second place in the Canon, being |
| arranged in the order of time at which the writers are supposed to have lived. The |
| third place is assigned to the Prophets, first the four Major and then the twelve |
| Minor Prophets, according to their respective chronological order. The Council |
| follows a similar method in the arrangement of the New- Testament books. The |
| first place is given to the historical books, i.e., the Gospels and the Book of |
| Acts; the Gospels follow the order of their reputed composition. The second |
| place is occupied by the didactic books, the Pauline Epistles preceding the |
| Catholic. The former are enumerated according to the order of dignity of the |
| addresses and according to the importance of the matter treated. Hence results |
| the series: Romans; I, II Corinthians; Galatians; Ephesians; Philippians; |
| Colossians; I, II, Thessalonians; I, II Timothy; Titus; Philemon; the Epistle to the |
| Hebrews occupies the last place on account of its late reception into the canon. |
| In its disposition of the Catholic Epistles the Council follows the so- called |
| western order: I, II Peter; I, II, III John; James; Jude; our Vulgate edition follows |
| the oriental order (James; I, II, III, John; Jude) which seems to be based on Gal., |
| ii, 9. The Apocalypse occupies in the New Testament the place corresponding to |
| that of the Prophets in the Old Testament. |
| E. Liturgical Division |
| The needs of liturgy occasioned a division of the inspired books into smaller |
| parts. At the time of the Apostles it was a received custom to read in the |
| synagogue service of the sabbath-day a portion of the Pentateuch (Acts, xv, 21) |
| and a part of the Prophets (Luke, iv, 16; Acts, xiii, 15, 27). Hence the Pentateuch |
| has been divided into fifty-four "parashas" according to the number of sabbaths in |
| the intercalary lunar year. To each parasha corresponds a division of the |
| prophetic writings, called haphtara. The Talmud speaks of more minute divisions, |
| pesukim, which almost resemble our verses. The Church transferred to the |
| Christian Sunday the Jewish custom of reading part of the Scriptures in the |
| assemblies of the faithful, but soon added to, or replaced, the Jewish lessons by |
| parts of the New Testament (St. Just., "I Apol.", lxvii; Tert., "De praescr.", xxxvi, |
| etc.). Since the particular churches differed in the selection of the Sunday |
| readings, this custom did not occasion any generally received division in the |
| books of the New Testament. Besides, from the end of the fifth century, these |
| Sunday lessons were no longer taken in order, but the sections were chosen as |
| they fitted in with the ecclesiastical feasts and seasons. |
| F. Divisions to facilitate reference |
| For the convenience of readers and students the text had to be divided more |
| uniformly than we have hitherto seen. Such divisions are traced back to Tatian, in |
| the second century. Ammonius, in the third, divided the Gospel text into 1162 |
| kephalaia in order to facilitate a Gospel harmony. Eusebius, Euthalius, and |
| others carried on this work of division in the following centuries, so that in the fifth |
| or sixth the Gospels were divided into 318 parts (tituli), the Epistles into 254 |
| (capitula), and the Apocalypse into 96 (24 sermones, 72 capitula). Cassiodorus |
| relates that the Old Testament text was divided into various parts (De inst. div. |
| lit., I, ii). But all these various partitions were too imperfect and too uneven for |
| practical use, especially when in the thirteenth century concordances (see |
| CONCORDANCES) began to be constructed. About this time, Card. Stephen |
| Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, who died 1228, divided all the books of |
| Scripture uniformly into chapters, a division which found its way almost |
| immediately into the codices of the Vulgate version and even into some codices |
| of the original texts, and passed into all the printed editions after the invention of |
| printing. As the chapters were too long for ready reference, Cardinal Hugh of St. |
| Cher divided them into smaller sections which he indicated by the capital letters |
| A, B, etc. Robert Stephens, probably imitating R. Nathan (1437) divided the |
| chapters into verses, and published his complete division into chapters and |
| verses first in the Vulgate text (1548), and later on also in the Greek original of |
| the New Testament (1551). |
| V. SCRIPTURE |
| Since Scripture is the written word of God, its contents are Divinely guaranteed |
| truths, revealed either in the strict or the wider sense of the word. Again, since |
| the inspiration of a writing cannot be known without Divine testimony, God must |
| have revealed which are the books that constitute Sacred Scripture. Moreover, |
| theologians teach that Christian Revelation was complete in the Apostles, and |
| that its deposit was entrusted to the Apostles to guard and to promulgate. Hence |
| the apostolic deposit of Revelation contained no merely Sacred Scripture in the |
| abstract, but also the knowledge as to its constituent books. Scripture, then, is |
| an Apostolic deposit entrusted to the Church, and to the Church belongs its |
| lawful administration. This position of Sacred Scripture in the Church implies the |
| following consequences: |
| (1) The Apostles promulgated both the Old and New Testament as a document |
| received from God. It is antecedently probable that God should not cast his |
| written Word upon men as a mere windfall, coming from no known authority, but |
| that he should entrust its publication to the care of those whom he was sending |
| to preach the Gospel to all nations, and with whom he had promised to be for all |
| days, even to the consummation of the world. In conformity woth this principle, |
| St. Jerome (De script. eccl.) says of the Gospel of St. Mark: "When Peter had |
| heard it, he both approved of it and ordered it to be read in the churches". The |
| Fathers testify to the promulgation of Scripture by the Apostles where they treat |
| of the transmission of the inspired writings. |
| (2) The transmission of the inspired writings consists in the delivery of Scripture |
| by the Apostles to their successors with the right, the duty, and the power to |
| continue its promulgation, to preserve its integrity and identity, to explain its |
| meaning, to use it in proving and illustrating Catholic teaching, to oppose and |
| condemn any attack upon its doctrine, or any abuse of its meaning. We may |
| infer all this from the character of the inspired writings and the nature of the |
| Apostolate; but it is also attested by some of the weightiest writers of the early |
| Church. St. Irenaeus insists upon these points against the Gnostics, who |
| appealed to Scripture as to private historical documents. He excludes this |
| Gnostic view, first by insisting on the mission of the Apostles and upon the |
| succession in the Apostolate, especially as seen in the Church of Rome (Haer., |
| III, 3-4); secondly, by showing that the preaching of the Apostles continued by |
| their successors contains a supernatural guarantee of infallibility through the |
| indwelling of the Holy Ghost (Haer., III, 24); thirdly, by combining the Apostolic |
| succession and the supernatural guarantee of the Holy Ghost (Haer., IV, 26). It |
| seems plain that, if Scripture cannot be regarded as a private historical document |
| on account of the official mission of the Apostles, on account of the official |
| succession in the Apostolate of their successors, on account of the assistance |
| of the Holy Ghost promised to the Apostles and their successors, the |
| promulgation of Scripture, the preservation of its integrity and identity, and the |
| explanation of its meaning must belong to the Apostles and their legitimate |
| successors. The same principles are advocated by the great Alexandrian doctor, |
| Origen (De princ., Praef.). "That alone", he says, "is to be believed to be the truth |
| which in nothing differs from the ecclesiastical and and Apostolical tradition". In |
| another passage (in Matth. tr. XXIX, n. 46-47), he rejects the contention urged by |
| the heretics "as often as they bring forward canonical Scriptures in which every |
| Christian agrees and believes", that "in the houses is the word of truth"; "for from |
| it (the Church) alone the sound hath gone forth into all the earth, and their words |
| unto the ends of the world". That the African Church agrees with the Alexandrian, |
| is clear from the words of Tertullian (De praescript., nn, 15, 19). He protests |
| against the admission of heretics "to any discussion whatever touching the |
| Scriptures". "This question should be first proposed, which is now the only one to |
| be discussed, `To whom belongs the faith itself: whose are the Scriptures'?. . |
| .For the true Scriptures and the true expositions and all the true Christian |
| traditions will be wherever both the true Christian rule and faith shall be shown to |
| be". St. Augustine endorses the same position when he says: "I should not |
| believe the Gospel except on the authority of the Catholic Church" (Con. epist. |
| Manichaei, fundam., n. 6). |
| (3) By virtue of its official and permanent promulgation, Scripture is a public |
| document, the Divine authority of which is evident to all the members of the |
| Church. |
| (4) The Church necessarily possesses a text of Scripture, which is internally |
| authentic, or substantially identical with the original. Any form or version of the |
| text, the internal authenticity of which the Church has approved either by its |
| universal and constant use, or by a formal declaration, enjoys the character of |
| external or public authenticity, i.e., its conformity with the original must not |
| merely be presumed juridically, but must be admitted as certain on account of |
| the infallibility of the Church. |
| (5) The authentic text, legitimately promulgated, is a source and rule of faith, |
| though it remains only a means or instrument in the hands of the teaching body |
| of the Church, which alone has the right of authoritatively interpreting Scripture. |
| (6) The administration and custody of Scripture is not entrusted directly to the |
| whole Church, but to its teaching body, though Scripture itself is the common |
| property of the members of the whole Church. While the private handling of |
| Scripture is opposed to the fact that it is common property, its administrators are |
| bound to communicate its contents to all the members of the Church. |
| (7) Though Scripture is the property of the Church alone, those outside her pale |
| may use it as a means of discovering or entering the Church. But Tertullian |
| shows that they have no right to apply Scripture to their own purposes or to turn |
| it against the Church. He also teaches Catholics how to contest the right of |
| heretics to appeal to Scripture at all (by a kind of demurrer), before arguing with |
| them on single points of Scriptural doctrine. |
| (8) The rights of the teaching body of the Church include also that of issuing and |
| enforcing decrees for promoting the right use, or preventing the abuse of |
| Scripture. Not to mention the definition of the Canon (see CANON), the Council |
| of Trent issued two decrees concerning the Vulgate (see VULGATE), and a |
| decree concerning the interpretation of Scripture (see EXEGESIS, |
| HERMENEUTICS), and this last enactment was repeated in a more stringent |
| form by the Vatican Council (sess. III, Conc. Trid., sess. IV). The various |
| decisions of the Biblical Commission derive their binding force from this same |
| right of the teaching body of the Church. (Cf. Stapleton, Princ. Fid. Demonstr., |
| X-XI; Wilhelm and Scannell, "Manual of Catholic Theology", London, 1890, I, 61 |
| sqq.; Scheeben, "Handbuch der katholischen Dogmatik", Freiburg, 1873, I, 126 |
| sqq.). |
| VI. ATTITUDE OF THE CHURCH TOWARDS THE READING OF THE BIBLE IN |
| THE VERNACULAR |
| The attitude of the Church as to the reading of the Bible in the vernacular may be |
| inferred from the Church's practice and legislation. It has been the practice of the |
| Church to provide newly-converted nations, as soon as possible, with vernacular |
| versions of the Scriptures; hence the early Latin and oriental translations, the |
| versions existing among the Armenians, the Slavonians, the Goths, the Italians, |
| the French, and the partial renderings into English. As to the legislation of the |
| Church on this subject, we may divide its history into three large periods: |
| (1) During the course of the first millennium of her existence, the Church did not |
| promulgate any law concerning the reading of Scripture in the vernacular. The |
| faithful were rather encouraged to read the Sacred Books according to their |
| spiritual needs (cf. St. Irenaeus, "Adv. haer.", III, iv). |
| (2) The next five hundred years show only local regulations concerning the use of |
| the Bible in the vernacular. On 2 January, 1080, Gregory VII wrote to the Duke of |
| Bohemia that he could not allow the publication of the Scriptures in the language |
| of the country. The letter was written chiefly to refuse the petition of the |
| Bohemians for permission to conduct Divine service in the Slavic language. The |
| pontiff feared that the reading of the Bible in the vernacular would lead to |
| irreverence and wrong interpretation of the inspired text (St. Gregory VII, "Epist.", |
| vii, xi). The second document belongs to the time of the Waldensian and |
| Albigensian heresies. The Bishop of Metz had written to Innocent III that there |
| existed in his diocese a perfect frenzy for the Bible in the vernacular. In 1199 the |
| pope replied that in general the desire to read the Scriptures was praiseworthy, |
| but that the practice was dangerous for the simple and unlearned ("Epist., II, cxli; |
| Hurter, "Gesch. des. Papstes Innocent III", Hamburg, 1842, IV, 501 sqq.). After |
| the death of Innocent III, the Synod of Toulouse directed in 1229 its fourteenth |
| canon against the misuse of Sacred Scripture on the part of the Cathari: |
| "prohibemus, ne libros Veteris et Novi Testamenti laicis permittatur habere" |
| (Hefele, "Concilgesch", Freiburg, 1863, V, 875). In 1233 the Synod of Tarragona |
| issued a similar prohibition in its second canon, but both these laws are intended |
| only for the countries subject to the jurisdiction of the respective synods (Hefele, |
| ibid., 918). The Third Synod of Oxford, in 1408, owing to the disorders of the |
| Lollards, who in addition to their crimes of violence and anarchy had introduced |
| virulent interpolations into the vernacular sacred text, issued a law in virtue of |
| which only the versions approved by the local ordinary or the provincial council |
| were allowed to be read by the laity (Hefele, op. cit., VI, 817). |
| (3) It is only in the beginning of the last five hundred years that we meet with a |
| general law of the Church concerning the reading of the Bible in the vernacular. |
| On 24 March, 1564, Pius IV promulgated in his Constitution, "Dominici gregis", |
| the Index of Prohibited Books. According to the third rule, the Old Testament |
| may be read in the vernacular by pious and learned men, according to the |
| judgment of the bishop, as a help to the better understanding of the Vulgate. The |
| fourth rule places in the hands of the bishop or the inquisitor the power of |
| allowing the reading of the New Testament in the vernacular to laymen who |
| according to the judgment of their confessor or their pastor can profit by this |
| practice. Sixtus V reserved this power to himself or the Sacred Congregation of |
| the Index, and Clement VIII added this restriction to the fourth rule of the Index, |
| by way of appendix. Benedict XIV required that the vernacular version read by |
| laymen should be either approved by the Holy See or provided with notes taken |
| from the writings of the Fathers or of learned and pious authors. It then became |
| an open question whether this order of Benedict XIV was intended to supersede |
| the former legislation or to further restrict it. This doubt was not removed by the |
| next three documents: the condemnation of certain errors of the Jansenist |
| Quesnel as to the necessity of reading the Bible, by the Bull "Unigenitus" issued |
| by Clement XI on 8 Sept., 1713 (cf. Denzinger, "Enchir.", nn. 1294-1300); the |
| condemnation of the same teaching maintained in the Synod of Pistoia, by the |
| Bull "Auctorem fidei" issued on 28 Aug., 1794, by Pius VI; the warning against |
| allowing the laity indiscriminately to read the Scriptures in the vernacular, |
| addressed to the Bishop of Mohileff by Pius VII, on 3 Sept., 1816. But the |
| Decree issued by the Sacred Congregation of the Index on 7 Jan., 1836, seems |
| to render it clear that henceforth the laity may read vernacular versions of the |
| Scriptures, if they be either approved by the Holy See, or provided with notes |
| taken from the writings of the Fathers or of learned Catholic authors. The same |
| regulation was repeated by Gregory XVI in his Encyclical of 8 May, 1844. In |
| general, the Church has always allowed the reading of the Bible in the vernacular, |
| if it was desirable for the spiritual needs of her children; she has forbidden it only |
| when it was almost certain to cause serious spiritual harm. |
| VII. OTHER SCRIPTURAL QUESTIONS |
| The history of the preservation and the propagation of the Scripture-text is told in |
| the articles MANUSCRIPTS OF THE BIBLE; CODEX ALEXANDRINUS (etc.); |
| VERSIONS OF THE BIBLE; EDITIONS OF THE BIBLE; CRITICISM (TEXTUAL); |
| the interpretation of Scripture is dealt with in the articles HERMENEUTICS; |
| EXEGESIS; COMMENTARIES ON THE BIBLE; and CRITICISM (BIBLICAL). |
| Additional information on the foregoing questions is contained in the articles |
| INTRODUCTION; TESTAMENT, THE OLD; TESTAMENT, THE NEW. The history |
| of our English Version is treated in the article VERSIONS OF THE BIBLE. |
| A list of Catholic literature on Scriptural subjects has been published in the American Ecclesiastical |
| Review, xxxi (August, 1904), 194-201; this list is fairly complete up to the date of its publication. |
| See also the works cited throughout the course of this article. Most of the questions connected with |
| Scripture are treated in special articles throughout the course of the ENCYCLOPEDIA, for instance, |
| in addition to those mentioned above, JEROME; CANON OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES; |
| CONCORDANCES OF THE BIBLE; INSPIRATION OF THE BIBLE; TESTAMENT, etc. Each of these |
| articles has an abundant literary guide to its own special aspect of the Scriptures. |
| A.J. MAAS |
| Transcribed by Robert B. Olson |
| Offered to Almighty God for Timothy and Kris Gray, and for a holy love and |
| understanding of Sacred Scripture for all members of Our Blessed Lord's |
| Church. |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIII |
| Copyright © 1912 by Robert Appleton Company |
| Online Edition Copyright © 1999 by Kevin Knight |
| Nihil Obstat, February 1, 1912. Remy Lafort, D.D., Censor |
| Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia: newadvent.org |